Experiments in Philosophy

The impact of psychological research on life's big questions.

Sex and Violence: Male Warriors Revisited

Is there really an evolutionary link between sex and violence?
This post is a response to Is the Male Sex Drive the Cause of Wars? by Mark van Vugt, Ph.D.

A recent scientific paper advances the Male Warrior hypothesis, according to which men are evolved to seek out violent conflicts in order to get women. In a blog here on Psychology Today, I challenged this rape-and-pillage model of human evolution. I think the evidence given for the male warrior hypothesis can be better explained by appealing to some widely accepted assumptions about human history. In a spirited and thoughtful reply, fellow bloggers Mark van Vugt and Anjana Ahuja have come to the defense of the Male Warrior hypothesis. Professor van Vugt was an author on the study that I challenged, and his reply provides a welcome opportunity for further discussion. I am grateful for that, and I will here attempt to clarify why I resist the evolutionary explanation of male violence.

Male Violence: Nature or Nuture?

First, a brief recap. According to the male warrior hypothesis, men evolved to form violent coalitions that would wage wars in order to capture women or collect resources that would make them more attractive to women. This is supposed to explain why, today, men wage all the wars and commit much more violent crime. I summarized an alternative account, which is commonly defended by anthropologists. This alternative explains male violence by appealing to historically obtained male dominance. I will call this the HOMDom hypothesis, and it can be summarized as follows: with the advent of agriculture, men became the primary food suppliers because their strength made them more efficient farmers; this allowed them to attain economic power over women and political control; once men achieve political dominance over women, they are the only ones who are in a position to wage war; and once men dominate women economically, they become the ones who must compete for property and resources.

Both of the Male Warrior hypothesis and the HOMdom hypothesis account for male violence. In my earlier blog, I suggested that the HOMdom hypothesis does a better job. I think the HOMdom hypothesis is also a simpler explanation, since all parties to this debate must accept that the agricultural revolution occured.  There is evidence that aggriculture helped men achieve power over women, and, together with gender differences in physical strength, this can account for sex differences in violence.  The male warrior hypothesis postulates innate machinery that we don't need to explain the data.

Objections and Replies

Here I will address the three objections raised by van Vugt and Ahuja.  First, though, I want to mention one more scientific finding, which they offer in supoort of the male warrior hypothesis.  They note that men, but not women, mention favorite athletic teams when providing reasons for preferring their favorite colors.  Against this, it must women have long depended on men econically, so the most obvious role that colors play in women's lives are in make-up and wardrobe, which are used to attact men.  Men are socialized to wear neutral hues and to blend in.  Thus, athletics is one of the few socially sanctioned opportunities for men to express color preferences.  In other cultures, such as the Wodaabe, men are socialized to use color for courtship, and the experimental results would probably look very different.  So, I don't find the color study compelling evidence that men are more tribal than women.  

Okay, now let's look at the three objections that van Vught and Ahuja raise against my original blog.

Objection 1:

Intergroup aggression predates agriculture, so agriculture cannot be the cause of male violence. They mention archeological evidence dating back 30,000 years.

Reply:

First, let me offer an important concession and clarification. I should not have implied that agriculture is the sole source of male violence. Indeed, the fact that men are stronger than women also implies that warring groups will tend to assign men the primary role in combat. There are some cultural groups with female warriors (such as the Dahomey), but men tend to take on this role, just as men tend to dominate in any domain where physical strength matters. The advent of farming gives men an even more complete monopoly in violence: they obtain the sole political power to wage, and they become the property owners, which increases their role in competition for resources.

Second, even if men have always been the primary warriors, it doesn't follow that men are wired to wage war. Our ancestors may have lived in sparse populations, reducing chances and motives for violence. Modern human beings have been around for 200,000 years, so archeological evidence for violence comes far into our history. As far as we know, the human capacity to kill may have evolved for hunting, and only subsequently been used for intergroup violence.

Against this, van Vugt and Ahuja state that chimpanzees engage in coalitional violence, but, they also concede that bonobos, an even closer relative, may not. They also fail to note that chimps do not conduct raids to capture females.  Moreover, we should not assume that chimps are innately programmed to be warriors. Their violence may result from the fact that their territories are diminishing. In any case, it is risky drawing inferences from other species. It is more illuminating to look at human cultures, where we find remarkable variation in the frequency of violence, suggesting that there is no biological instinct forcing men onto the battlefield.

Objection 2:

Evolution can affect psychology, and there is little reason to deny that man and women have evolved to have different psychology traits. Parents can see this in their male and female children.

Reply:

Evolution can certainly affect psychology, and I have not denied that some sex differences have an evolutionary origin. I've only denied that the men are evolved to be warriors. Biology is often used to imply that extant gender differences are natural. For example, women were once said to be incapable of excelling in universities, and that they were too delicate to responsibly vote.  I discuss other examples in my new book.

As for the remark about parents, it has been well documented that gender socialization begins in the first days of life, and that adults will perceive gender differences even where they don't exist. In clever experiments, adults have been asked to describe an infant who is either presented with a male or a female name. The name dictates what people see! Parents perceive their boys as more aggressive, even when they are not. This can influence subsequent aggressive behavior. A leading developmental psychologist found that parents tend to punish boys for bad conduct, whereas when girls misbehave, parents explain to them why their actions were wrong. This could increase male violence. And, of course, girls may quickly learn that they are less powerful than boys, which may lead them to adopt other more social forms of aggression. When physical and social aggression are both considered, gender differences tend to diminish. Indeed there may even be cultures where girls are as physically aggressive as boys, though this is admittedly rare.

Objection 3:

The historical explanation sets up a false dichotomy between biology and culture, but in reality culture is a product of biology because cultural learning is innate.

Reply:



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Jesse Prinz is a Distinguished Professor at the City University of New York, Graduate Center and the author of several books on the nature of thought, emotion, and morality.

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