Ambition

In our mobile society, many of us have had the experience of setting a price for selling our house or condominium. Drawing on the knowledge of a real estate agency, on information from friends, acquaintances, and newspapers, we set an ideal asking price, a minimum bottom price, and a price we expect to get. We learn from observing the performance of other people or groups-both those we see as our superiors and those we see as our inferiors. And we observe the wins and losses of those we think are most like us. From these observations we set our levels of aspiration.

We can think of these as the ideal, the minimum, and the realistic levels of expected achievement. The fine between ideal aspirations, on the one side, and grand illusions, on the other, may be thin but it is there. It is the line between aspirations that have some chance of realization and a reality-escaping fantasy.

The ideal and the minimum are the "best case" and 'worst case' scenarios. The realistic level usually is the level of just manageable difficulty. To achieve more requires a performance/capacity ratio that is too demanding; below this level, we are underloaded.

There are obvious individual differences in the willingness to take risk, but studies have not been able to find any personality traits consistently related to such differences in risk-taking behavior. Some people set their aspirations so high that they often fail. Others set lower levels and more often exceed their aspirations. In raising aspirations after winning, one person may advance slowly, inch by inch or five percent at a time, while another person attempts 50-percent increases in achievement.

Social custom influences us to set our aspirations higher. In our daily lives, the mass media intrude to influence our standards. The rising aspirations for good health have exceeded what is realistic. As a result, since about 1970, health professionals in both England and the United States are encountering more self-reported ailments than before, when the definition of "feeling well" was set at a lower level. Similarly, "how to" books on sexual fulfillment may have raised performance expectations and thus increased a sense of inadequacy.

Yet we also understand the "happy loser." Placing second in a contest may not be considered a loss if our performance exceeds our expectations. If we know ahead of time that winning is not possible, then our aspiration may become simply to make our best effort and make it close. Subjectively, this is winning.

I hear "second place only pays off at the racetrack," but this is not always true. Whether it pays off depends on what we are after. If we are shooting for first place and miss it, then there is no payoff. If we are shooting for third place and win second, then our victory is even greater than we hoped.

The main body of research on shrinking aspirations is about work careers. For most timed and ordered careers, positions can be ranked according to money, power, and prestige. The nearer you get to the top, the harder it is to move up the pyramid. In general, at each step up the corporate ladder, there are 30 percent fewer jobs than on the rung below. Young lawyers joining a firm may work sixty-hour weeks for six or seven years and then only one fourth of them become partners. Out of the one thousand who work in an advertising firm, at least one hundred, if not more, may mistakenly believe they will end up with the top job.

Some aspirations are of little importance to us, and we can reduce them with ease. Others mean more to us, and we may never get over our failure to fulfill them. Psychiatrists may say that giving up part of our lives should cause mourning over the loss.

This may indeed happen during the transition, and the mourning may last longer than that in some cases. But the more likely emotion is joy at finally ridding ourselves of hopes that have turned heavy with disappointment. In the end it is relief, not grief, we feel as we relax into a state of lowered ambition.

Fire at Evening

A popular view of ambition through life is that there are just so many jumps in the rabbit, and that these get used up along the path to old age. But the myth of no ambition in old age will not hold up. A truer picture is that the rabbit keeps jumping, but the jumps are not as high nor as far as in the early years. The drive for growth and mastery is still there, but not as obviously as before.

It is also a mistake to assume that the diminished endeavors of one's later years are not as meaningful as the grand plans of one's youth. The level of performance may decline on an absolute scale, but it remains pegged at the level of just manageable difficulty. The familiar channels for growth and mastery are now dosed to them, and they must find new challenges.

From the baby in the crib to the 100-year-old man feeling the texture of the earth in his window boxes, we look for challenges that are right for us, for what we can just manage, and in this way form and shape our fives and conduct our many missions.

Illustrations (2): (WARREN GEBERT)

ERRATUM

On page 96 of the May/June issue, we mistakenly credited Poseidon Press as the publisher of She Said, He Said: What Men and Women Really Think About Money, Sex, Politics and Other Issues of Essence by Elizabeth J. Wood and Floris W. Wood. Copyright c 1992. The correct publisher is Visible Ink Press, a Division of Gale Research Inc. Psychology Today regrets the error.

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